Revision Update: The Executive: Coalition: All Good Things Must Come to an End

Perhaps inevitably as the coalition enters its third year, the relationship between the partners entered a new phase. It should be remembered that the coalition is made up of two different political parties and therefore it is only natural that some divisions should appear from time to time. The driving force however behind this new phase is the low level of support in the opinion polls for the Liberal Democrats. Their support has been around the ten per cent mark as opposed to the 23% they secured in the 2010 general election. The Liberal Democrats need to establish their own distinct identity. As coalition partners they run the risk of being tarred with the same brush as the Conservatives. If a voter wants change, they only have the one option of voting Labour if the Lib Dems are perceived to be one and the same thing as the Conservatives.

THE CRACKS BEGIN TO SHOW

In the last year there have been more signs of policy disagreements between the parties. These include:

1. Cameron and Clegg made separate statements in response to the recommendations of the Leveson inquiry. This was quite dramatic leading Sylvester to comment that “this signals the end of collective Cabinet responsibility.”^[1]

2. Cable has been more openly critical of Osborne’s economic policy of austerity measures.

3. Divisions have been apparent over energy policy with spats between ED Davey, the Lib Dem minister and John Hayes, the Conservative junior minister. At one point Davey consulted his lawyers about remarks made by Hayes over wind farms.

4. The snoopers’ charter or Data Communications bill was another source of disputes between the parties.

5. In the House of Lords, relations between the two parties seemed to have broken down.

The four phases of the coalition

It is possible to identify four phases of the coalition to date then

1. The Rose Garden honeymoon

Clegg and Cameron seemed to be very close personally and the Coalition Agreement allowed the two parties to present a very united front.

2. The cracks begin to show

Clegg seemed to draw a great deal of criticism for u turns over tuition fees and seemed to deflect negative sentiments from the public which might otherwise have been directed at the government. He pledged to introduce a more “Muscular Liberalism” in order to improve the party’s fortunes.

3. Policy trade-offs.

This seems to be the present stage with the Lib Dems adopting a tit for tat approach to policies. This is evidenced by:

a. The Lib Dems withdrawing support for constituency boundary reforms as the Conservatives refused to back House of Lords reforms.

b. A mansion tax was rejected by the Lib Dems as the Conservatives offered to scrap proposed cuts in housing benefit for young people and a two children policy for welfare claimants.

c. Increased subsidies for renewable energy won Lib Dem support for increased investment in shale gas (through a controversial process known as “fracking”).

This horse trading of policies might mean that long term planning becomes more of a problem.

Similarly, the power of the Prime Minister will be even further curtailed. Policies will have to be more carefully negotiated through cabinet. As mentioned by Collins, decisions will not be “bounced through an unsuspecting cabinet”[2] as they were in the Blair era.

This is at a time when Cameron appears to have problems controlling his own party.

Both these factors highlight the constraints upon the power of the Prime Minister and help undermine arguments which suggest that there is a system of prime ministerial government within the executive. Indeed, the coalition has allowed a revival of cabinet government.^[3]

There have been indications, as mentioned, of more friction between the coalition partners. Some of this may have been for public consumption as the Lib Dems particularly sought to reverse their low standings in the opinion polls. However, the fact remained that the coalition remained united.

4. A new relationship with Labour?

This is speculative on my part but there have been signs that both the Lib Dems and Labour are willing to adopt a more sympathetic relationship with each other. Traditionally the Liberal Democrats have adopted an “equidistant” relationship between the two main parties and, given the need for a distinct identity, they may revert to this as the next election nears.